How Nordic Nations Can Connect With Central Asia

Central Asia’s New Era of Cooperation

For much of the first quarter-century of independence, the Central Asian states turned inward, safeguarding their sovereignties and identities. This was a typical post-colonial journey, marked by efforts to consolidate statehood. Efforts to develop regional cooperation were made, but ultimately failed to bear fruit. A remarkable shift has occurred in recent years, transforming the region’s approach toward cooperation and development. The leaders of all Central Asian states now meet for annual summits to coordinate policies on regional issues, such as trade, transport, energy, water, ecology, and security.

The revived spirit of cooperation has already produced tangible results. Intra-regional trade increased by $11 billion between 2019 and 2024, with room for further growth. Shifts in international transportation routes and supply chains, partly as a result of Russia’s war in Ukraine, have led to an increased regional focus on issues related to the transit of goods and raw materials along the so-called Middle Corridor. The long-unresolved border disputes between Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan have now been handled between the states without external involvement. The states are cooperating to address the equally delicate matter of water resource management that considers the needs of both upstream and downstream countries in the region.

Enhanced regional cohesiveness is also enabling the Central Asian states to engage with the world not only as individual nations, but as a united region. The so-called “Central Asia plus” (C5+1) platforms have now been established between the five Central Asian states and no fewer than ten external partners, including both individual countries and organizations. The joint Central Asian approach to key global partners has enhanced the region’s international visibility and agency. Central Asia is increasingly becoming a region that foreign powers engage with without sowing intra-regional divisions, as often happened in the past.

Central Asia and the Nordic Countries

How is the Nordic experience of regional cooperation relevant to the distant Central Asia? On the surface, there appear to be few common links between the Nordic region and the Central Asian region. The Nordic countries are renowned for their stable democracies, robust welfare states, and economic prosperity, whereas the Central Asian states, having gained independence only three decades ago, continue to contend with problems associated with authoritarian governance and economic dependence on commodities.

Despite their closeness, the Nordic countries for long displayed considerable differences in their membership in continental organizations. Until Finland and Sweden became members of NATO in 2023 and 2024, respectively, Denmark was the only Nordic country to hold membership in both the EU and NATO. Norway and Iceland are members of NATO but not the EU. This is similar to the variation among Central Asian states in relation to Eurasian cooperation organizations, such as the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) and the Eurasian Economic Union. Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan are part of both, while Tajikistan is only a member of the CSTO. Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan stand outside both organizations.

Nordic Lessons for Central Asia

Although the Central Asian states are coordinating policies through a rapidly expanding array of arrangements, encompassing more areas than ever, the region still stands out due to the lack of a strong, functioning regional institution. Eventually, the next phase of regional consolidation in Central Asia will require the establishment of a regional organization of Central Asian states. What lessons from Nordic cooperation can help achieve this objective?

Nordic cooperation is primarily embedded in two institutions—the inter-parliamentary Nordic Council and the inter-governmental Nordic Council of Ministers. The Nordic Council was created in 1952 and consists of national parliamentary delegations from each country. It convenes twice a year for a general meeting in the fall and for a specific thematic session in the spring. The Nordic Council of Ministers was founded in 1971 to govern the cooperation between the member countries’ governments. Its work is divided into eleven different councils, one general council and ten responsible for specific policy areas.

The Helsinki Treaty, signed in 1962, is the foundational legal framework for Nordic cooperation. It institutionalized the role of the Nordic Council and later, through an amendment, the Nordic Council of Ministers. Nordic cooperation represents an interstate cooperation rather than supranational integration, a voluntary collaboration between sovereign states. Decisions are made by consensus and are not legally binding. Each country maintains full sovereignty over its laws and policies.

In contrast to the parliamentary political systems of the Nordic countries, all Central Asian states share a presidential model of government. Given the vast powers concentrated in the presidential office and the personalistic political culture in Central Asia, any effective institutionalization must acknowledge this reality. A Central Asian Council of Presidents is therefore preferable over the Nordic type of parliamentary or ministerial council.

Why Closer Nordic-Central Asia Ties Matter

Ties between the Nordic countries and Central Asia are still in their infancy, in part due to geographic distance, but also because outdated views of Central Asia as a “stagnant” or “backward” region prevail in northern Europe. Given the dynamism of Central Asia in recent years, the Nordic states are falling behind other Europeans that are rapidly expanding ties with Central Asia. This is ironic, as Nordic states have added reasons to strengthen their relations with Central Asian states: they can learn a great deal from Central Asians about navigating relations with Russia and China.

Indeed, the Nordic region is greatly concerned about neighboring Russia, while its relatively small and trade-dependent economies expose it to China’s economic power. This makes Central Asia a fruitful dialogue partner, given the intense experiences Central Asian states have of interactions with Moscow and Beijing. Policymakers in the Nordic states may have more acute concerns at present, whether relating to Russian aggression, the faltering Transatlantic link, or unrest in the Middle East. Still, it would make a lot of sense for them to reciprocate the Central Asian outreach and work to formalize a dialogue format with the region.